The Self-Regulating Market and the Fictitious Commodities free essay sample

As a rule, the economic system was absorbed in the social system, and whatever principle of behavior predominated in the economy, the presence of the market pattern was found to be compatible with it. The principle of barter or exchange, which underlies this pattern, revealed no tendency to expand at the expense of the rest. Where markets were most highly developed, as under the mercantile system, they throve under the control of a centralized administration which fostered autarchy both in the households of the peasantry and in respect to national life. Regulation and markets, in effect, grew up together, The self-regulating market was unknown ; indeed the emergence of the idea of self-regulation was a complete reversal of the trend of development. It is in the light of these facts that the extraordinary assumptions underlying a market economy can alone be fully comprehended. A market economy is an economic system controlled, regulated, and directed by markets alone; order in the production and distribution of goods is entrusted to this self-regulating mechanism. We will write a custom essay sample on The Self-Regulating Market and the Fictitious Commodities or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page An economy of this kind derives from the expectation that human beings behave in such a way as to achieve maximum money gains. It assumes markets in which the supply of goods (including services) available at a definite price will equal the demand at that price. It assumes the presence of money, which functions as purchasing power in the hands of its owners. Production will then be controlled by prices, for the profits of those who direct production will depend upon them; the distribution of the goods also will depend upon prices, for prices form incomes, and it is with the help of these incomes that the goods produced are distributed amongst the members of society. Under these assumptions order in the production and distribution of goods is ensured by prices alone. Self-regulation implies that all production is for sale on the market and that all incomes derive from such sales. Accordingly, there are markets for all elements of industry, not only for goods (always including services) but also for labor, land, and money, their prices being called respectively commodity prices, wages, rent, and interest. The very terms indicate that prices form incomes: interest is the price for the use of money and forms he income of those who are in the position to provide it; rent is the price for the use of land and forms the income of those who supply it; wages are the price for the use of labor power, and form the income of those who sell it; commodity prices, finally, contribute to the incomes of those who sell their entrepreneurial services, the income called profit being actually the difference between two sets of prices, the price of the goods produced and their costs, i. e. , the price of the goods necessary to produce them. If these conditions are fulfilled, all incomes will derive from sales on the market, and incomes will be just sufficient to buy all the goods produced. A further group of assumptions follows in respect to the state and Its policy. Nothing must be allowed to inhibit the formation of markets, nor must incomes be permitted to be formed otherwise than through sales. Neither must there be any interference with the adjustment of prices to changed market conditions—whether the prices are those of goods, labor, land, or money. Hence there must not only be markets for all elements of industry,1 but no measure or policy must be countenanced that would influence the action of these markets. Neither price, nor supply, nor demand must be fixed or regulated; only such policies and measures are in order which help to ensure the self-regulation of the market by creating conditions which make the market the only organizing power in the economic sphere. To realize fully what this means, let us return for a moment to the mercantile system and the national markets which it did so much to develop. Under feudalism and the gild system land and labor formed part of the social organization itself (money had yet hardly developed into a major element of industry). Land, the pivotal element in the feudal order, was the basis of the military, judicial, administrative, and political system; its status and function were determined by legal and customary rules. Whether its possession was transferable or not, and if so, to whom and under what restrictions; what the rights of property 1 Henderson, H. D. , Supply and Demand, 1922. The practice of the market is twofold: the apportionment of factors between different uses, and the organizing of the forces influencing aggregate supplies of factors. entailed; to what uses some types of land might be put—all these questions were removed from the organization of buying and selling, and subjected to an entirely different set of institutional regulations. The same was true of the organization of labor. Under the gild system, as under every other economic system in previous history, the motives and circumstances of productive activities were embedded in the general organization of society. The relations of master, journeyman, and apprentice; the terms of the craft; the number of apprentices; the wages of the workers were all regulated by the custom and rule of the gild and the town. What the mercantile system did was merely to unify these conditions either through statute as in England, or through the nationalization of the gilds as in France. As to land, its feudal status was abolished only in so far as it was linked with provincial privileges; for the rest, land remained extra commercium, in England as in France. Up to the time of the Great Revolution of 1789, landed estate remained the source of social privilege in France, and even after that time in England Common Law on land was essentially medieval. Mercantilism, with all its tendency towards commercialization, never attacked the safeguards which protected these two basic elements of production—labor and land—from becoming the objects of commerce. In England the nationalization of labor legislation through the Statute of Artificers (1563) and the Poor Law (1601), removed labor from the danger zone, and the anti-enclosure policy of the Tudors and early Stuarts was one consistent protest against the principle of the gainful use of landed property. That mercantilism, however emphatically it insisted on commercialization as a national policy, thought of markets in a way exactly contrary to market economy, is best shown by its vast extension of state intervention in industry. On this point there was no difference between mercantilists and feudalists, between crowned planners and vested interests, between centralizing bureaucrats and conservative particu-larists. They disagreed only on the methods of regulation: gilds, towns, and provinces appealed to the force of custom and tradition, while the new state authority favored statute and ordinance. But they were all equally averse to the idea of commercializing labor and land—the precondition of market economy. Craft gilds and feudal privileges were abolished in France only in 1790; in England the Statute of Artificers was repealed only in 1813-14, the Elizabethan Poor Law in 1834. Not before the last decade of the eighteenth century was, in either country, the establishment of a free labor market even discussed; and the idea of the self-regulation of economic life was utterly beyond the horizon of the age. The mercantilist was concerned with the development of the resources of the country, including full employment, through trade and commerce; the traditional organization of land and labor he took for granted. He was in this respect as far removed from modern concepts as he was in the realm of politics, where his belief in the absolute powers of an enlightened despot was tempered by no intimations of democracy. And just as the transition to a democratic system and representative politics involved a complete reversal of the trend of the age, the change from regulated to self-regulating markets at the end of the eighteenth century represented a complete transformation in the structure of society. A self-regulating market demands nothing less than the institutional separation of society into an economic and political sphere. Such a dichotomy is, in effect, merely the restatement, from the point of view of society as a whole, of the existence of a self-regulating market. It might be argued that the separateness of the two spheres obtains in every type of society at all times. Such an inference, however, would be based on a fallacy. True, no society can exist without a system of some kind which ensures order in the production and distribution of goods. But that does not imply the existence of separate economic institutions; normally, the economic order is merely a function of the social, in which it is contained. Neither under tribal, nor feudal, nor mercantile conditions was there, as we have shown, a separate economic system in society. Nineteenth century society, in which economic activity was isolated and imputed to a distinctive economic motive, was, indeed, a singular departure. Such an institutional pattern could not function unless society was somehow subordinated to its requirements. A market economy can exist only in a market society. We reached this conclusion on general grounds in our analysis of the market pattern. We can now specify the reasons for this assertion. A market economy must comprise all elements of industry, including labor, land, and money. (In a market economy the last also is an essential element of industrial life and its inclusion in the market mechanism has, as we will see, far-reaching institutional consequences. ) But labor and lapd are no other than the human beings themselves of which every society consists and the natural surroundings in which it exists. To include them in the market mechanism means to subordinate the substance of society itself to the laws of the market. We are now in the position to develop in a more concrete form the institutional nature of a market economy, and the perils to society 72 RISE AND FALL OF MARKET ECONOMY [Ch. 6 which it involves. We will, first, describe the methods by which the market mechanism is enabled to control and direct the actual elements of industrial life; second, we will try to gauge the nature of the effects of such a mechanism on the society which is subjected to its action. It is with the help of the commodity concept that the mechanism of the market is geared to the various elements of industrial life. Commodities are here empirically defined as objects produced for sale on the market; markets, again, are empirically defined as actual contacts between buyers and sellers. Accordingly, every element of industry is regarded as having been produced for sale, as then and then only will it be subject to the supply-and-demand mechanism interacting with price. In practice this means that there must be markets for every dement of industry; that in these markets each of these elements is organized into a supply and a demand group; and that each element has a price which interacts with demand and supply. These markets— and they are numberless—are interconnected and form One Big Market. 2 The crucial point is this: labor, land, and money are essential dements of industry; they also must be organized in markets; in fact, these markets form an absolutely vital part of the economic system. But labor, land, and money are obviously not commodities; the postulate that anything that is bought and sold must have been produced For sale is emphatically untrue in regard to them. In other words, according to the empirical definition of a commodity they are not commodities. Labor is only another name for a human activity which goes with life itself, which in its turn is not produced for sale but for entirely different reasons, nor can that activity be detached from the rest of life, be stored or mobilized; land is only another name for nature, which is not produced by man; actual money, finally, is merely a token of purchasing power which, as a rule, is not produced at all, but comes into being through the mechanism of banking or state finance. None of them is produced for sale. The commodity description of labor, land, and money is entirely fictitious. Nevertheless, it is with the help of this fiction that the actual markets for labor, land, and money are organized; 8 they are being actually bought and sold on the market; their demand and supply * Hawtrey, G. R. , op. cit. Its function is seen by Hawtrey in making the relative market values of all commodities mutually consistent. 8 Marxs assertion of the fetish character of the value of commodities refers to the exchange value of genuine commodities and has nothing in common with the fictitious commodities mentioned in the text. re real magnitudes; and any measures or policies that would inhibit the formation of such markets would ipso facto endanger the self-regulation of the system. The commodity fiction, therefore, supplies a vital organizing principle in regard to the whole of society affecting almost all its institutions in the most varied way, namely, the principle according to which no an angement or behavior should be allowed to exist that might prevent the actual function ing of the market mechanism on the lines of the commodity fiction. Now, in regard to labor, land, and money such a postulate cannot be upheld. To allow the market mechanism to be sole director of the fate of human beings and their natural environment, indeed, even of the amount and use of purchasing power, would result in the demolition of society. For the alleged commodity labor power cannot be shoved about, used indiscriminately, or even left unused, without affecting also the human individual who happens to be the bearer of this peculiar commodity. In disposing of a mans labor power the system would, incidentally, dispose of the physical, psychological, and moral entity man attached to that tag. Robbed of the protective covering of cultural institutions, human beings would perish from the effects of social exposure; they would die as the victims of acute social dislocation through vice, perversion, crime, and starvation. Nature would be reduced to its elements, neighborhoods and landscapes defiled, rivers polluted, military safety jeopardized, the power to produce food and raw materials destroyed. Finally, the market administration of purchasing power would periodically liquidate business enterprise, for shortages and surfeits of money would prove as disastrous to business as floods and droughts in primitive society. Undoubtedly, labor, land, and money markets are essential to a market economy. But no society could stand the effects of such a system of crude fictions even for the shortest stretch of time unless its human and natural substance as well as its business organization was protected against the ravages of this satanic mill. The extreme artificiality of market economy is rooted in the fact that the process of production itself is here organized in the form of buying and selling. 4 No other way of organizing production for the market is possible in a commercial society. During the late Middle Ages industrial production for export was organized by wealthy burgesses, and carried on under their direct supervision in the home town. Later, in the mercantile society, production was organized by mer- 4 Cunningham, W. , Economic Change, Cambridge Modern History, Vol. I. hants and was not restricted any more to the towns; this was the age of putting out when domestic industry was provided with raw materials by the merchant capitalist, who controlled the process of production as a purely commercial enterprise. It was then that industrial production was definitely and on a large scale put under the organizing leadership of the merchant. He knew the market, the volume as well as the quality of the demand; and he coul d vouch also for the supplies which, incidentally, consisted merely of wool, woad, and, sometimes, the looms or the knitting frames used by the cottage industry. If supplies failed it was the cottager who was worst hit, for his employment was gone for the time; but no expensive plant was involved and the merchant incurred no serious risk in shouldering the responsibility for production. For centuries this system grew in power and scope until in a country like England the wool industry, the national staple, covered large sectors of the country where production was organized by the clothier. He who bought and sold, incidentally, provided for production—no separate motive was required. The creation of goods involved neither the reciprocating attitudes of mutual aid; nor the concern of the householder for those whose needs are left to his care; nor the craftsmans pride in the exercise of his trade; nor the satisfaction of public praise—nothing but the plain motive of gain so familiar to the man whose profession is buying and selling. Up to the end of the eighteenth century, industrial production in Western Europe was a mere accessory to commerce. As long as the machine was an inexpensive and unspecific tool there was no change in this position. The mere fact that the ottager could produce larger amounts than before within the same time might induce him to use machines to increase earnings, but this fact in itself did not necessarily affect the organization of production. Whether the cheap machinery was owned by the worker or by the merchant made some difference in the social position of the parties and almost certainly made a difference in the earnings of the worker, who was better off as long as he owned his tools; but it did not force the merchant to become an industrial capitalist, or to restrict himself to lending his money to such persons as were. The vent of goods rarely gave out; the greater difficulty continued to be on the side of supply of raw materials, which was sometimes unavoidably interrupted. But, even in such cases, the loss to the merchant who owned the machines was not substantial. It was not the coming of the machine as such but the invention of elaborate and therefore specific machinery and plant whiqh completely changed the relationship of the merchant to production. Although the new productive organization was introduced by the merchant—a fact which determined the whole course of the transformation—the use of elaborate machinery and plant involved the development of the factory system and therewith a decisive shift in the relative importance of commerce and industry in favor of the latter. Industrial production ceased to be an accessory of commerce organized by the merchant as a buying and selling proposition; it now involved long-term investment with corresponding risks. Unless the continuance of production was reasonably assured, such a risk was not bearable. But the more complicated industrial production became, the more numerous were the elements of industry the supply of which had to be safeguarded. Three of these, of course, were of outstanding importance: labor, land, and money. In a commercial society their supply could be organized in one way only: by being made available for purchase. Hence, they would have to be organized for sale on the market—in other words, as commodities. The extension of the market mechanism to the elements of industry—labor, land, and money— was the inevitable consequence of the introduction of the factory system in a commercial society. The elements of industry had to be on sale. This was synonymous with the demand for a market system. We know that profits are ensured under such a system only if self-regulation is safeguarded through interdependent competitive markets. As the development of the factory system had been organized as part of a process of buying and selling, therefore labor, land, and money had to be transformed into commodities in order to keep production going. They could, of course, not be really transformed into commodities, as actually they were not produced for sale on the market. But the fiction of their being so produced became the organizing principle of society. Of the three, one stands out: labor is the technical term used for human beings, in so far as they are not employers but employed; it follows that henceforth the organization of labor would change concurrently with the organization of the market system. But as the organization of labor is only another word for the forms of life of the common people, this means that the development of the market system would be accompanied by a change in the organization of society itself. All along the line, human society had become an accessory of the. economic system. We recall our parallel between the ravages of the enclosures in English history and the social catastrophe which followed the Industrial Revolution. Improvements, we said, are, as a rule, bought at the price of social dislocation. If the rate of dislocation is too great, the community must succumb in the process. The Tudors and early Stuarts saved England from the fate of Spain by regulating the course of change so that it became bearable and its effects could be canalized into less destructive avenues. But nothing saved the common people of England from the impact of the Industrial Revolution. A blind faith in spontaneous progress had taken hold of peoples minds, and with the fanaticism of sectarians the most enlightened pressed forward for boundless and unregulated change in society. The effects on the lives of the people were awful beyond description. Indeed, human society would have been annihilated but for protective countermoves which blunted the action of this self-destructive mechanism. Social history in the nineteenth century was thus the result of a double movement: the extension of the market organization in respect to genuine commodities was accompanied by its restriction in respect to fictitious ones. While on the one hand markets spread all over the face of the globe and the amount of goods involved grew to unbelievable proportions, on the other hand a network of measures and policies was integrated into powerful institutions designed to heck the action of the market relative to labor, land, and money. While the organization of world commodity markets, world capital markets, and world currency markets under the aegis of the gold standard gave an unparalleled momentum to the mechanism of markets, a deep-seated movement sprang into being to resist the pernicious effects of a market-controlled economy. Society protected itself against the perils inherent in a self-regulating market system—this was the one comprehensive feature in the history of the age.

Año fiscal en EE.UU. y efectos migratorios

Aà ±o fiscal en EE.UU. y efectos migratorios En Estados Unidos, el aà ±o fiscal del gobierno federal son los 12 meses comprendidos entre el 1 de octubre de un aà ±o y el 30 de septiembre del siguiente. Se le denomina FY por sus siglas en inglà ©s. Las fechas de inicio y final del aà ±o fiscal federal se fijaron en 1976 con el objeto de que el gobierno tuviese tiempo suficiente para presentar su presupuesto para el aà ±o siguiente y obtener su aprobacià ³n. Puntos Clave: Aà ±o fiscal Aà ±o fiscal federal : 1 de octubre al 30 de septiembre del aà ±o siguiente.Los estados establecen las fechas de sus aà ±os fiscalesLas empresas pueden decidir cules son los 12 meses de su aà ±o fiscal.El aà ±o fiscal federal afecta a visas, loterà ­as y green card. Aà ±o fiscal de los estados en EE.UU. Los 50 estados y los territorios de Estados Unidos pueden fijar las fechas de sus propios aà ±os fiscales para los asuntos dentro de sus competencias. En la actualidad, solo en el aà ±o fiscal Alabama y Michigan coincide con el federal de 1 de octubre a 31 de septiembre del aà ±o siguiente. Por otro lado, 46 estados inician su aà ±o fiscal el 1 de julio y lo finalizan el 30 de junio del aà ±o siguiente al igual que el Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico. Finalmente, en Nueva York el aà ±o fiscal corre del 1 de abril al 31 de marzo y en Texas del 1 de septiembre al 1 de agosto. Aà ±o fiscal (fiscal year) y aà ±o impositivo (tax year) Para los negocios, el Servicio de Ingresos Internos (IRS, por sus siglas en inglà ©s) distingue entre aà ±o fiscal y aà ±o impositivo. El aà ±o fiscal para las empresas son 12 meses consecutivos cuyo dà ­a final coincide con el fin de un trimestre, es decir, 31 de marzo, 30 de junio, 30 de septiembre o 31 de diciembre. En la mayorà ­a de los casos es la propia empresa la que decide cundo empieza y finaliza su aà ±o fiscal y lo utiliza en su propia contabilidad. El aà ±o impositivo o de pago de impuestos (tax year) de una empresa puede coincidir con su aà ±o fiscal o con el aà ±o de calendario, es decir, del 1 al 31 de diciembre. Por otro lado, las fechas para presentar las planillas de impuestos (IRS filing) son las que fija el gobierno para todas las empresas, segà ºn su tipologà ­a. Aà ±o fiscal y estadà ­sticas migratorias Inmigracià ³n es una competencia del gobierno federal de Estados Unidos, por esta razà ³n todas las estadà ­sticas se computan teniendo en cuenta su aà ±o fiscal. Por ejemplo, en el FY18 se aprobaron 236.526 visas de inmigrante en la categorà ­a de familiares inmediatos. Esto quiere decir que entre el 1 de octubre de 2017 y el 30 de septiembre de 2018 la cantidad citada de cà ³nyuges, padres, madres e hijos solteros menores de 21 aà ±os de ciudadanos estadounidenses obtuvieron la tarjeta de residente permanente por peticià ³n del ciudadano. El aà ±o fiscal se puede dividir en trimestres (Q, por su sigla en inglà ©s). El primer trimestre (Q1) comprende desde el 1 de octubre al 31 de diciembre y asà ­ sucesivamente hasta llegar al cuarto (Q4) de 1 de julio a 30 de septiembre. Por ejemplo en Q1FY18 las autoridades migratorias aprobaron 140.467 ajustes de estatus. Eso quiere decir que de 1 de octubre a 31 de diciembre de 2017 ese nà ºmero de extranjeros obtuvieron la tarjeta de residencia permanente por ese trmite. Aà ±o fiscal: là ­mites y retrasos en categorà ­as de visas El aà ±o fiscal tiene un gran impacto en los casos en los que se concede un nà ºmero fijo de una determinada categorà ­a de visas por aà ±o fiscal. Es lo que se conoce en inglà ©s como annual cap. Este problema del annual cap afecta tanto a algunas visas no inmigrantes como a algunos tipos de visas inmigrantes, por ejemplo: Visa H-1B para profesionales y modelos. Si bien hay importantes excepcionesVisas U para và ­ctimas de la violenciaVisado T para và ­ctimas de trfico humanoH-2A y H-2B para trabajos en agricultura y no cualificadosPeticiones de green card de ciudadanos para hijos solteros mayores de 21 aà ±os, hijos casados y hermanos y de residentes permanentes para sus cà ³nyuges e hijos solterosVisa EB-5 para inversionistasConcesià ³n de estatus de asilado o refugiado polà ­ticoLoterà ­a de visas de diversidad En los casos en los que el nà ºmero de solicitudes en una determinada categorà ­a de visa es superior al là ­mite fijado por aà ±o fiscal se pueden producir dos situaciones diferentes. En primer lugar, se producen retrasos, que pueden llegar a ser enormes por acumularse aà ±o tras aà ±o ms peticiones que visas disponibles, como es el caso de la visa U que tiene asignado un mximo de 10.000 visas por aà ±o fiscal y que lleva en estos momentos un retraso superior a tres aà ±os y medio para que USCIS decida sobre los primeros pasos de si aprueba el permiso de trabajo. Otro ejemplo de retrasos por esta causa se da en las peticiones familiares en las categorà ­as con là ­mites anuales. Las demoras pueden verificarse mes a mes en el boletà ­n de visas. En segundo lugar, se celebra una loterà ­a entre las solicitudes y se procesa la visa para quien gana. Es el caso, por ejemplo, de la visa H-1B para profesionales. En general funciona de la siguiente manera: Existe un là ­mite anual por aà ±o fiscal de 20.000 visas para los profesionales que estudiaron la maestrà ­a en EE.UU., otra de 65.000 visas para profesionales en general y, finalmente un cupo de 6.500 visas para à ºnicamente ciudadanos de Chile y Singapur. El 1 de abril se abre el plazo de presentacià ³n de solicitudes. Los seis aà ±os anteriores, a los cinco dà ­as ya habà ­a ms peticiones que visas disponibles y se cerrà ³ el plazo. A los pocos dà ­as se celebrà ³ la loterà ­a y quienes no la ganaron deben presentar de nuevo la solicitud, si asà ­ lo desean, al aà ±o siguiente. Cabe destacar que no todas las H-1B estn sujetas a là ­mites. Por ejemplo, cuando el patrocinador es un instituto investigador o educativo puede pedir las que necesite a lo largo del aà ±o. Adems, la administracià ³n del presidente Donald Trump est elaborando nuevas directrices y es posible que se anuncie la obligatoriedad de pre-registrarse. Aà ±o fiscal y fechas para presentarse a H1-B y loterà ­a de visas Con respecto a la visa H1-B la normativa vigente dice que las solicitudes pueden presentarse seis meses antes del inicio del aà ±o fiscal para el que se aplica. Excepto en los casos ya nombrados de excepciones en los que los solicitantes no estn sujetos al là ­mite anual, est ocurriendo que hay ms solicitantes de visa que nà ºmero de visas y asà ­ durante meses no se puede emitir ninguna nueva, hay que esperar al nuevo cupo con el nuevo aà ±o fiscal. Esto quiere decir que si un extranjero que aspira a una visa H-1B que no est exenta del là ­mite anual debe esperar al 1 de octubre, es decir, al inicio del aà ±o fiscal. Sin embargo, para obtenerla la empresa patrocinadora debe presentar los papeles 6 meses antes. Por ejemplo, para una visa del FY20 debe presentarse la solicitud el 1 de abril de 2019. Con respecto a la loterà ­a de visas para obtener la tarjeta de residencia, tambià ©n conocida como green card, el plazo para registrarse gratuitamente se inicia al comienzo del aà ±o fiscal, generalmente en torno al 3 o 4 de octubre, y finaliza un mes despuà ©s. Por ejemplo, para participar en la loterà ­a de visas (DV por sus siglas en inglà ©s) del aà ±o fiscal 2021 (DV21), el solicitante debe registrarse en la pgina oficial en octubre de 2019 hasta principios de noviembre de ese mismo aà ±o. Todo el proceso se demora para los ganadores hasta el 30 de septiembre de 2020 y ya podrà ­an disfrutar de su green card a partir del 1 de octubre de 2020, esto es, el aà ±o fiscal 2021. Este artà ­culo es meramente informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal para ningà ºn caso concreto.

Assigment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Assigment - Essay Example So all these conversations for the period 1941-1944 were recorded at Hitler’s headquarters and were published later on in media in several languages. Hitler’s reputation in the public and media reflects his mindset about the politics and will power that he had. Hitler was considered political genius, a man with will power, decisive nature, personality and ideas to bring humankind in darkness (Cameron & Stevens 2000). For understanding Hitler, it is important to go deep in his mind and understand the main point of a discussion. It is important to know the facts from his personal words and not from the speeches and statements, he made. On night 11th-12th 1941, Hitler says, the man who considers universe with open eyes, that man has the greatest natural goodness (Cameron & Stevens 2000). He insisted that mankind must know the laws by which life in governed. On night 22nd-23rd 1941, he says, Germans are hardworking people but they get less wages as compared to their work (C ameron & Stevens 2000). Hard work enabled us to produce cheap and mass produced articles in the fields of chemistry and optical instruments to compete English markets. He also said that England and America are about to start a bloodiest war that will eliminate one of them. We should increase live stock and energy resources. Water power electricity must be adopted at fast pace to overcome energy crisis. Germany should use 100000 acres for cultivation of rubber (Cameron & Stevens 2000). In august 1941 Hitler says, Germans must see a war after every 15 years for their good (Cameron & Stevens 2000). If I sacrifice thousand or two thousand lives, that can be answered. I understand the first encounter of a woman with a man. This can be compared with a soldier’s facing the war for the first time. Germany is the only country that has no unemployment so we are not the slaves of import. In October 1941, we must keep two aims in front, one to keep the war away from our frontiers and sec ond to hold our positions at the eastern fronts at all cost. If someone does not hold respect than he falls below the level of an animal. Hitler said that Jews are responsible for two world wars. Two million deaths of First World War and now thousands in Second World War because of Jews. Christianity has damaged the world badly by destroying the libraries of the ancient world (Cameron & Stevens 2000). Party should keep itself away from religion. Church friendship is too costly to bear. The second part of table talk consists of the period from 1st January to 5th February 1942. In January 1942, he met under secretary of the state and said that prisoners of war be used for constructing tunnels during the hostilities (Cameron & Stevens 2000). Any fool can be made in charge of them and German labour should not be wasted on such a work. He said that we have not lost war against England; Rommel can get two hundred tanks in desert to capture Malta. England knows our strength so cannot use t he route of Mediterranean to reach India. President Roosevelt is a sick brain; Americans are the most stupid people in the world. They will further fall in all affairs. Freemasonry is corrupting the complete world (Cameron & Stevens 2000). Every Englishman speaks against the Churchill that he is off his head. He cannot win the war by lying and corruption. Churchill would not listen to American command asking for abandoning Far East. On 8th

Discuss the conflict between human intelligence and artificial Essay

Discuss the conflict between human intelligence and artificial intelligence - Essay Example These utopian societies tend to change what ‘human’ is all about. Technology has affected the way humans have lived to such an extent that normal functions, like sleep, eating or even reproduction, has been replaced by an artificial means† (â€Å"Utopia†, 2006). In this view, the robots are nearly indistinguishable from humans in the way they function and in their ability to respond in much the way humans might, with only slight differences circulating around the ability to feel emotion. Still other viewpoints hold that technology of this caliber would lead to a technological dystopia, in which all these advances lead instead to a decline in the quality of life led by the human citizens. â€Å"A dystopia is usually characterized by an authoritarian or totalitarian form of government, or some other kind of oppressive social control† (â€Å"Dystopia†, 2006). This question of whether or to what degree a man-made creation can feel human emotions pl ays a large role in the interpretation of how this society develops as well as the development of the creations themselves. In both cases, utopia or dystopia, the judgment call is made on the quality of life of the humans, with little to no regard for the lifestyle and options available to the robots who have achieved a higher level of existence. Several films have been created to illustrate these varying viewpoints, including Frankenstein, War Games, Blade Runner, The Terminator, Stepford Wives, I Robot and AI: Artificial Intelligence. Technology first allows man to create life out of nothing, without the interference of God, in the tale of Frankenstein, first written in the 1817 by Mary Shelley and made into film in 1931 (Irvine, 1997). In this instance, technology attempts utopia by conquering death but goes awry by bringing to life a creature that can find no acceptance and little understanding in the tiny German village

Comparative Study of Common Vegetable Starches Essay Example for Free

Comparative Study of Common Vegetable Starches Essay ABSTRACT The purpose of this experiment is to be able to help the society with its environmental issues by creating biodegradable plastic out of common vegetable starches. Here, the The procedures that the researcher use in this investigatory project were all experimental and were based on Scientific Method. The researcher used environment-friendly materials which can be made into biodegradable plastics that will not harm the environment and will not add to pollution problems. Among th The result was found that the product exhibited the desirable properties of a biodegradable plastic thus the product is completely biodegradable at disposal. The researcher conclude that among the different vegetable starches, _____________ starch is the most effective raw material for the development of biodegradable plastics due to its availability in large quantity, its relatively low cost and its biodegradability. INTRODUCTION A. Background of the Study The ever unending problem of waste disposal specifically the non-biodegradable one had contributed to the alarming worldwide problem of global warming. As an example, the experience storm surge of the island of Leyte due to increase of sea level, increase of water level among streets during heavy rain due to clogged drains, canals and sewerage. Using vegetable starches in developing biodegradable plastic is one big step to lessen, if not total eliminate, our global concerns. Generally, this study is conducted to replace the conventional non-biodegradable plastics to a more friendly biodegradable plastics using different vegetable starches. The cassava root is long and tapered, with a firm, homogeneous flesh encased in a detachable rind, about 1mm thick, rough and brown on the outside. Commercial varieties can be 5 to 10 cm in diameter at the top, and around 15 cm to 30 cm long. A woody cordon runs along the roots axis. The flesh can be chalk-white or yellowish. Cassava roots are very rich in starch, and contain significant amounts of calcium (50 mg/100g), phosphorus (40 mg/100g) and vitamin C (25 mg/100g). However, they are poor in protein and other nutrients. In contrast, cassava leaves are a good source of protein, and are rich in the amino acid lysine, though deficient in methionine and possibly tryptophan. These components are components of biodegradable plastic. The squash The sweet potato B. Significance of the Study Once one of these vegetable starches known, this study will be very essential in the production of biodegradable plastics, which can lessen the tremendous piled up non-biodegradable garbages made by plastics thereby reducing harm  to our environment. C. Statement of the Problem The problem is to compare which among the different vegetables; squash, sweet potato and cassava, which are rich in starch will be an effective component for biodegradable plastic. D. Hypothesis Cassava starch is the most effective component for biodegradable plastic. E. Scope and limitations This study will be focused on the comparison of the three common vegetables, namely, the squash, principal variable of this project is the cassava starch. The locale of this project is it could help save the environment and reduce use of plastic that takes a lot of years to degrade. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE The word plastic came from the Greek word plastikos, meaning capable of being molded. Plastics can be as hard as metal or as soft as silk. They can take any shape in almost any form due to the versatility of the carbon, the most common backbone of polymer chains. Plastics can be conveniently divided into two categories: semi-synthetic, in which the basic chain structure is derived from a natural product, such as cellulose; and synthetic, which is built up chemically from small units or monomers. Despite the various applications of plastics, drawbacks have been encountered in three major points. Firstly, there are certain chemicals used in the manufacture of .plastics that may cause allergic reactions. Three is a need man from these threat. Secondly, since cellulose films are biodegradable; they are readily attacked by bacteria. Films and packaging materials from synthetic polymers are normally attacked at a very low rate. New polymers such is nylon, polyvinyl chloride and Polystyrene have replaced cellulose, the pioneer plastic material. As a result, these plastic materials have become permanent wastes. There are various methods in making biodegradable plastics. The simplest is the production of plastic from the extraction of casein from milk. Casein is obtained in two ways by souring, with the use of lactic acid, arid by boiling together with an additive, such as acetic acid. Starch is a natural organic polymer manufactured by green plants through photosynthesis s to serve as metabolic reserve It occurs in the form of grains in many parts of the plant, principally in embryonic tissues such as seeds, fruits, roots and tubers. Polyvinyl alcohol is a colorless, odorless, tasteless, thermoplastic synthetic resin. It is usually used for grease-proofing paper, in adhesives, in gas- and oil-impervious films and Coatings. This substance, although soluble in water, is insoluble in Common organic solvents. Glycerol is the simplest trihydric alcohol. In commercial form, it is called glycerin. It is a colorless odorless and viscous liquid with a sweet taste. It is completely soluble in water and alcohol but is only slightly soluble in many common solvents, such as ether, ethyl acetate and dioxane. It is widely used in coatings and paints, pharmaceuticals and cosmetics. Plastic production is relatively new technology. Experiments are being conducted to relieve the negative effects of overproducing plastics. By changing its raw materials and additives, commercial plastic may be improved so that it will become degradable while retaining its good quality. Cassava (Manihot esculenta), also called manioc, tapioca or yuca, is one of the most important food crops in the humid tropics, being particularly suited to conditions of low nutrient availability and able to survive drought (Burrell, 2003). The plant grows to a height of 1 to 3 m and several roots may be found on each plant. Although cassava leaves are sometimes consumed, the major harvested organ is the tuber, which is actually a swollen root. The plant is propagated mostly from stem cuttings. A major limitation of cassava production is the rapid post-harvest deterioration of its roots which usually prevents their storage in the fresh state for more than a few days (Okezie and Kosikowski, 1982). Cassava ranks very high among crops that convert the greatest amount of solar energy into soluble carbohydrates per unit of area. Among the starchy staples, cassava gives a carbohydrate production which is about 40% higher than rice and 25% more than maize, with the result that cassava is the cheapest source of calories for both human nutrition and animal feeding. A typical composition of the cassava root is  moisture (70%), starch (24%), fiber (2%), protein (1%) and other substances including minerals (3%) Compared to other crops, cassava excels under suboptimal conditions, offering the possibility of using marginal land to increase total agricultural production (Cock, 1982). METHODOLOGY Cassava Tubers were ground and squeezed to extract its starch. Starch obtained was weighed and divided into three equal parts; 50 grams in trial 1, trial 2 and trial 3. T1, T2 and T3 also consisted of 50 ml Polyester resin and increasing variations of Polymer MEKP Hardener; 50 grams for T1, 100 grams for T2 and 150 grams in T3. The components in every treatment or trial were mixed, stirred and then poured in 3 different shirts with Petroleum Jelly and then sun-dried. Afterwards, different methods were used to test the effectivity of the plastic. T1, T2 and T3 were sun-dried but they did not look like a plastic at all. The researchers observed the product while waiting for it to dry but there were no signs of turning into a plastic. The Cassava starch was too thick and the researchers realized that it would not turn into a plastic because of its heavy weight and it would take more time before it would dry because of its thickness. After letting T1, T2 and T3 dry under the sun, it became hard. Although the researchers had unexpected results and the Cassava starch did not turn into plastic, studies have already proven that Cassava starch could be used for making various types of packaging products. Cassava is a promising raw material for the development of biodegradable plastics.

Production History of Samuel Becketts Waiting for Godot Essay

Production History of Samuel Beckett's Waiting for Godot      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Samuel Beckett was forty-two years old and living in post-war Paris when he wrote Waiting for Godot as an exercise to help rid himself of the writer's block which was hindering his work in fiction. Once he started, he became increasingly absorbed in the play, and scribbled it almost without hesitation into a soft-cover notebook in a creative burst that lasted from October 9, 1948, until he completed the typed manuscript on January 29, 1949. After some revision, he offered the script to several producers, but it was refused. Although Beckett himself gave up hope with the script, his wife was more persistent, and, acting as his agent, she continued to approach producers. Finally, she met with actor/producer/director Roger Blin, who had produced a string of four under-funded and under-attended productions of Synge and Strindberg. Blin was immediately delighted with the piece. Unfortunately, money to produce the play was difficult to come by. Years passed betwee n the writing and the actual production of the work. In the meanwhile, while Blin continued to search for backers, he worked with Beckett to flesh out the play in choosing costuming (Beckett had only envisioned the bowler hats), style, and movement. Blin never asked Beckett to analyze the play, noting that "The play struck me as so rich and unique in its nudity that it seemed to me improper to question the author about its meaning." Instead, Blin worked almost instinctively through the three years of sporadic rehearsals. Casting was difficult; even though he was quite certain of his choices, contracts were only drawn up a few weeks before opening. Of necessity he ended up playing the part ... ...ted in Esslin 2-3)    Although it took much of the world a little longer than these inmates to recognize the value of Samuel Beckett's Waiting for Godot, there is no doubt that it is now considered a classic. It has been translated into numerous languages, and according to Bair, into more editions than Beckett could recall, far more than all his other plays combined. Waiting for Godot is the play that will continue building his reputation for many years to come. Sources Cited Bair, Deirdre. "Samuel Beckett," in British Dramatists Since World War II . Ed. Stanley Weintraub. Detroit: Bruccoli Clark, 1982, pp. 52-70. Cohn, Ruby. "Growing (Up?) with Godot," in Beckett at 80/Beckett in Context . Ed. Enoch Brater. New York: Oxford, 1986, pp. 13-24. Esslin, Martin.   The Theatre of the Absurd . Rev. ed. Garden City: Anchor, 1969.

Does Homework Help or Hinder Academic Success Essay

The debate about homework has been going on for a long time. Some say too much homework is bad, but there are different views. There are some people that believe that there is a minimal relationship between homework and if it helps or hinder academic success. A little amount of homework is said to be linked to better school results as well. Homework may also have a small effect on how a student does in school on a test. Homework may hinder academic success due to lack of sleep, stress, and no fun in between work, but at least 2 hours may prove to be beneficial to healthy homework habits. There are two sides to this debate, one side that says that too much homework hinders academic success and the other saying that it doesn’t affect it at all. Too much homework takes away free time for children. Once children get home, depending on how much homework they get, they have to work on all their homework. For example, children need time to themselves to play and just have fun not do work all the time. Jessica Lahey the author of the article â€Å"I Hate Homework. I Assign It Anyway. † states, â€Å"Children need time to themselves to play, read and imagine. † (Page 2). This displays that there are some people who do agree with the fact that kids should have fun and play. They shouldn’t be bombarded with homework. Children should also be able to spend time with their family. Yes, they do see their parents’ everyday but they do not really get to spend time with them because of all the homework given to them. The article, â€Å"Homework’s Diminishing Returns† by Harris Cooper states, â€Å"Opponents of homework counter that it can also have negative effects like increasing boredom with schoolwork and reducing the time students have to spend on leisure activities that teach important life skills. † (Page 2). Spending time with their parents’ can help them and their children bond together and learn life lessons together. Overall, playing and having fun can really make a child happy instead of being upset about homework. It raises their morale and he or she will become much happier knowing that there can be breaks for fun from time to time. This can affect academic success positively because children will become more content with how things are doing that they won’t mind the little amount of homework as long as they can have a little fun still. Homework can also cause stress as well. At a young age a child should not be stressed. In other words, children could just become tired and tired of staying up all night doing homework. Jessica Lahey, the author of â€Å"I Hate Homework. I Assign It Anyway. † says â€Å"In her film, Ms. Abeles claims that today’s untenable and increasing homework load drives students to cheating, mental illness and suicide. † (Page 1). Children should not have to think about things like this because choices like that can affect their whole life. This will make them do anything to try and get homework out of the way. The stress factor is very large with children dealing with homework and this may cause even students from top schools to become frustrated. Jessica Lahey states in her article, â€Å"Even elite private schools in New York City are vowing to lighten their homework load. † (Page 1). This is very important to note because elite schools are obviously expected to give a lot of homework. If they’re willing to lower their homework then that must mean that even top students probably feel that all that homework is too much for them. The bottom line is that homework can cause children to make bad decisions and create more problems than what they seem to have. It may also hinder academic success because the bad decisions, if made, can cause that child to have too much on his or her mind to even pay attention to how well they’re doing in school. Although, there are bad sides to homework, there is also a good side of it. Two hours of homework can prove to be beneficial towards a child’s academic success. Harris Cooper states in his article, â€Å"Homework’s Diminishing Returns†, â€Å"A little amount of homework may help elementary school students build study habits and learn skills developed through practice. † (Page 1). This showcases that there is a good side to homework. This doesn’t necessarily mean that homework should be taken away completely, but it means that some homework is good for students. Creating study habits by doing some homework can help a student’s academic success because this will help them with future assignments and so he or she can remember what they learn. Some children also seem to like having an ample amount of homework as it doesn’t cause too much stress. Harris Cooper also writes, â€Å"All children can benefit from homework but it is a very rare child who will benefit from hours and hours of homework. (Page 2). This proves that only very few children can really have something to say about how many hours of homework allow them to improve on what they have done in school. While a couple of hours of homework can prove to help academic success positively, too much of it may be moving more towards the negative side. Homework can hinder academic success stress and no fun in between work, but at least 2 hours may prove to be beneficial to healthy homework habits. This shows that there are both sides of the argument shown. There can be less time to have fun, spend time with family; it can cause problems for students as well. Although there are many actions being done based on opinions, this debate still goes on and there may not be a solution at all. Many people have different beliefs on homework and what should be done about it. It may continue on for a while and more questions may branch out from the main question: does the amount of homework determine if it helps or hinders a student’s academic success?